Pushed back into the fire: the refugees who feel compelled to return to Syria
The Bedouin town of Mafraq is only a short drive from the gates of the Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan,
which David Cameron visited on Monday to show off the contribution of
British aid. It presents, however, an altogether more troubling image.
It hosts about 100,000 refugees, who outnumber the town’s Jordanian
citizens and the population of Zaatari.
Living in rented rooms, converted garages, workshops, some in
structures built on the roofs of local houses, the Syrian refugees
living outside camps in Jordan are among the most vulnerable. Supported
by many of the same international agencies and funded in part, like the
camps, by British aid money, Mafraq’s refugees symbolise not the success
of the international aid effort but its failure - a failure that is
increasingly driving people towards Europe or in desperation back into
Syria’s war zones.
If, as Cameron said earlier on Monday in Lebanon’s Bekaa valley, the
UK’s focus is on helping refugees there and in Jordan “to make sure we
discourage people from making this dangerous journey to Europe”, it is
in places like Mafraq, not in Zaatari, where many of the most serious
problems are visible.
Impoverished and burdened with debt, many in Mafraq saw their food
rations reduced in August as the cash-strapped World Food Programme
(WFP) reduced the number of Syrian refugees receiving its food vouchers
in Middle Eastern host countries by a third, leaving 229,000 in Jordan without food aid as of September.
The reality, as senior aid officials concede, is that despite the
largesse of donor countries, including £1bn contributed by the UK, the
Syrian aid effort faced crises on various fronts, including funding and
the exasperation of thos affected who see no end in sight to the Syrian
conflict.
As Cameron’s helicopter landed in Zaatari, Mahmoud Krouma was
planning a Friday departure for Europe in Mafraq. He will leave his
family behind for now, including his brother-in-law, Mazin, aged 32, who
has Down’s syndrome. Originally from Homs, one of Mahmoud’s eyes was
damaged in an explosion. Most of Mazin’s family were killed in a missile
strike.
Mahmoud Krouma, his brother-in-law Mazin and two of his children in Mafraq. Photograph: Peter Beaumont for the Guardian
“We’ve been here two years this month,” Mahmoud says. His wife Wafa
says their WFP food ration was cut last month. Like many, they do not
know if they will get any assistance next time the vouchers are issued.
“We had a family meeting after the ration was cut,” says Mahmoud as
images of the war and Europe’s refugee crisis play out on the television
behind him.
“I have a passport so I can fly to Turkey. We collected the money for
the flight to Istanbul and $1,000 for the people smugglers in Izmir.”
He will travel with seven neighbours all following the same route, first
aiming for Greece and then for Germany or Sweden. “We prayed and prayed
together,” says Wafa. “It seemed like the only hope.”
Mahmoud is not alone in contemplating the journey. In the streets of
Mafraq the Guardian went to visit families, only to find they had
already left. Others tell of neighbours who have gone or who are
planning to go.
In Mahmoud’s apartment block only two of 12 families remain. Some
have gone to Turkey, but others - at their wits’ end - have returned to Syria,
preferring to risk the war than continue struggling to survive in
Jordan where they cannot work, aid is being slashed and family debt
mounts inexorably.
Both Syrians and aid officials say the sense of mounting despair is
captured in various indicators in the camps and among Jordan’s urban
refugees in places such as Mafraq.
On one day last week, almost 200 refugees took the bus that goes
daily from Zaatari back to the Syrian border to return to the conflict
zone. Anecdotal evidence suggests a small number will try the perilous
overland route across the many fronts to reach Turkey. Most simply
cannot see a future in Jordan, where 86% percent of refugees receive
less than 68 dinars (£62) a month, set by the Jordanian government as
the country’s poverty level.
Abed Abu Hakim, aged 50, from Deraa. The father of 12 lost his leg as a
child and still has three teenage daughters in Syria. Photograph: Peter
Beaumont for the Guardian
According to senior UN officials, child marriages are rising as
families seek to find somewhere their daughters will be provided for.
Those who can sell their assets, including - if possible - property and
land in Syria.
The increasingly grim and febrile mood has been made worse by media
images of those who have made it to Europe and a lively rumour mill.
In the main UN refugee reception centre in Amman, Fouad Mustafa
Tafnagi has his irises scanned as part of the registration process. It
quickly becomes clear that Tafnagi, an engineer married to a Jordanian
woman, has come because of a rumour published on a Lebanese website that
a shipping firm has been contracted to take refugees to Germany for
resettlement.
It is a story that, in little more than a day, has drawn 500 people to the reception centre.
Fouad Tafnagi, aged 33, has his irises scanned as part of the UNHCR
registration process in the Jordanian capital. Photograph: Peter
Beaumont for the Guardian
Andrew Harper, the UN refugee agency (UNHCR)’s head in Jordan, paints
a bleak picture of the effort to house refugees in the country, which
had seen initial successes. “We have seen the number of Syrians wanting
to return rising from 60 a day to a 120 a day in August to 190 on one
day last week. It is too early to say whether it is a trend, but it is
going upwards,” he says.
“We should be providing support for people where they are safe, not
creating the circumstances that pushes them back into the war zone.”
The agency has also seen a gradual increase in those trying to reach
Turkey, Harper says. “These are refugees who lost almost everything in
the conflict. Now after several years for most they have sold off most
of their remaining assets. By increments it is becoming increasingly
difficult for them to survive.
“People cannot work legally, and the lack of livelihoods means the
situation here is not sustainable. Europe is now confronting the
consequences of its policies here.”
Harper’s solution for Jordan is simple - to fund projects that
provide work for refugees in Jordan and benefit the development of a
host country that has grown increasingly weary of the refugees that it
took in. Many of the urban refugees the Guardian spoke to in Mafraq echo
Harper’s suggestion. If they could work, they say, they would stay.
Ayman Al Awad, aged 37, lives with his family in a ramshackle room
built on a roof for which he pays 100 dinars a month. A refugee from
Deraa, he would migrate if he could, but will only do so if it is legal.
Without help to pay his rent, he has been selling his food vouchers at a
loss to cover the cost. Since the cut in the WFP’s food vouchers,
however, he no longer has enough to cover the payments.
“We steal bread and live on bruised vegetables that we can find,” he
says. “We survive on scraps. I used to own a supermarket. I had a small
farm and a car. All I need is 100 dinars a month. If I was allowed I
would sell tomatoes in the street to make ends meet, but then I would be
arrested.”
Awad says there is nothing left for him in Syria, but feels he may
have to return. “I’ve talked to the family. We will give it five or six
more months,” he says. “If things don’t get better we will have to
return. We have no choice. We are being pushed back into the fire.”
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