If this is the best Britain can do for refugees, it’s sickening
Britons
hate immigrants; Britons need immigrants. History has resolved this
paradox through occasional charitable outbursts, when the country’s
natural defences are besieged by desperate people seeking shelter.
Charity conquers aversion, and the nation has always grown stronger in
consequence.
The European commission president, Jean-Claude Juncker, welcomed the fact
today that Europe was currently seen as “a place of refuge and exile, a
beacon of hope and haven of stability”. That should be source of pride,
not fear. He is right. Yet to him the Syrian refugees were a political
test for the European Union, a test it was failing. Along the frontiers
of Greece and Germany, the refugees were not a test. They were a human
tide pleading for help – and help now.
Britain has no excuse for turning its back on this plea, least of all
when its politicians are playing macho by bombing the refugees’ country
of origin. It is sickening at such a time to hear the House of Commons told of “heads not hearts policy … a matter of causes not symptoms … doing more to topple Assad … getting others to pull their weight”.
The British have been exemplary hosts to those in distress. The Jews
expelled by Edward I began to return under Cromwell, much to the City of
London’s gain. The Huguenots of the 16th and 17th centuries landed at
Dover, like the Syrians on Lesbos. Britons donated a vast sum, of
£50,000, to help them, worth some £8bn today. The refugees were so
popular that towns such as Colchester begged for more.
Responses in the 19th century to famine in Ireland and the eastern
European pogroms were not so welcoming, but refugees were not turned
away. In just two years, during 1846 to 1848, Liverpool took in an
astonishing 500,000 people from Ireland. Half a century later, in 1914,
700,000 European Jews were estimated to have found sanctuary in London’s
Whitechapel and Manchester’s Strangeways and Red Bank neighbourhoods.
There were some riots, but no one quibbled over numbers, or talked of
heads not hearts.
The flows continued. Government statistics found 25,000 Germans,
15,000 Belgians, 12,000 French and 10,000 Norwegians in wartime Britain.
Postwar Poland saw a Syrian-scale exodus, with 8 million fleeing the
country. By the 1950s there were 35,000 Poles registered in London,
producing no fewer than 50 Polish newspapers.
These flows were overtopped by hundreds of thousands of Asians from
the subcontinent and East Africa from the 1960s onwards. In 1972 Britain
took in 27,000 Ugandan Asians virtually overnight. The result was
nothing but benefit to the British economy. Indeed, the chief argument
against accepting so-called economic migrants is that it is an economic
sanction on the country of origin.
Last week the British government was bewailing a shortage of skilled workers and medical staff.
Yet it is turning its back on Syria’s most youthful, enterprising and
relatively rich expatriates. Germany is not only winning plaudits for
its charity; it is ready to welcome 500,000 mostly able and qualified Syrians a year. Watch the next German renaissance. Britain’s 4,000 refugees a year are to come from Lebanese and Jordanian camps – dependants, likely to return home when the horror passes.
Britain’s response to the refugee crisis in numbers
A European plan for the short-term dispersal of arriving refugees is
clearly vital. For Britain to shut its eyes to such a plan just because
it is comes from the EU, is wrong. It will hardly persuade Eurosceptics
that Cameron is on their side, while incurring the contempt of potential
allies he hopes to secure for his renegotiation.
In other words, British policy makes no sense economically,
diplomatically or numerically. The 2011 census showed net immigration
into Britain of 182,000 a year. Some 70,000 came from eastern Europe
alone. Most of these people merge into the economy without need of help
from the government. Few are a drag. To imply that more than 4,000
Syrian refugees is in some way “too much” is a statistical joke.
Cameron at first seemed inclined to take no refugees; then a trickle,
and only from the camps. He was apparently being guided by opinion
polls and political “temperature”. This is not leadership. The prime
minister has a terror of numbers, and of any financial impact on local
government that a given number of refugees might involve.
That is not how charity operates on the ground. Across the frontiers
of Europe, the lead has been taken not by governments but by local
volunteers, agencies, charities and churches. The Guardian reported this week
from the German town of Landshut, which took in 1,000 refugees over a
single weekend. A beer festival tent was converted to shelter 250 new
guests. People stepped forward with unwanted clothes, shoes, shelter and
food. They gave, and they helped. Refugees bring out the worst in
politicians, but they bring out the best in people.
Does Cameron really think Britons cannot behave as well as Germans?
Does he not think to ask what 400 local councils and 9,000 parish
councils might do? Does he not ask 40,000 churches and mosques, quite
apart from a multitude of other charities? Did he really form policy on
the basis of an opinion poll, the chief whip and the editor of the Sun?
Is this how Britain is run?
The prime minister once preached the virtues of a “big society”,
of popular action beyond the realm of the state. Was there ever a
better moment for the big society to show its spurs than in handling an
influx of refugees? Instead the big society has been nationalised and
anaesthetised by big government. Refugees will not arrive by foot but be
handpicked by officials in camps and channelled through Whitehall and
local government. As for those already on the road, Cameron merely
assures them that some other good Samaritan – not British – will soon be
coming along.
The government’s response to the Syrian exodus was this week concealed by news of a “Wham! Bam!” drone strike and two dead jihadists. Cameron called this “head not heart”.
For a nation that has rescued Huguenots, Jews and Asians down the ages, is this really the best we can do?
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