Western bombs won’t defeat Isis. Only a wider peace deal can draw its poison
There
is no disaster in the Arab and Muslim world, it seems, for which the
west’s answer is not to drop bombs on it. As the refugee crisis in
Europe has driven home the horror of Syria’s civil war,
that has been exactly the response of the leaders of Britain and
France. David Cameron has long been pressing for a new vote in
parliament to authorise a British bombing campaign against Islamic State
in Syria.
Now he has been joined by the former archbishop of Canterbury and a gung-ho Murdoch press, while George Osborne has signalled he also wants attacks on the “evil Assad regime” to deal with the refugee exodus “at source”. The French president, François Hollande, has announced he too wants to extend air attacks from Iraq to Syria, using the terrorist threat at home to justify the escalation.
On both sides of the Atlantic, neoconservatives and liberal
interventionists are back in full cry with demands for no-fly zones and
troops on the ground. The Sun has even badged its coverage “For Aylan” –
after the drowned three-year-old whose image dramatised the suffering
of Syrian refugees – while demanding an intensification of the war and
denouncing Labour’s leadership candidates as “cowards” for refusing to
sign up for immediate attacks.
So keen has the British prime minister been to get on with bombing Syria, he revealed British drones had already incinerated two British Isis members
in the city of Raqqa last month. Cameron pleaded self-defence on the
grounds that one of the jihadis had been plotting to carry out
“imminent” terror attacks in Britain. Since the events targeted for
these alleged attacks had already taken place by the time the man was
killed, the claim was clearly nonsense. But Britain has now followed the US and Israel down the road of lawless extra-judicial killings that has become a hallmark of the 14-year-old “war on terror”.
In the case of the US, it’s a road that has already led to thousands of deaths, including those of many civilians,
as dodgy intelligence and “signature strikes” have killed and maimed
huge numbers of innocents along with targeted fighters. From Pakistan to
Yemen, US drone attacks have been a major recruiter for al-Qaida and
the Taliban.
After a dozen years of drone attacks, the Taliban is again rampant in
Afghanistan and al-Qaida is thriving in Yemen. Britain’s drone attack
also made a mockery of the decision by parliament in August 2013 to oppose military action in Syria – in that case targeted at the Damascus government rather than at the rebels fighting it.
But then, British pilots have also been taking part in US bombing raids on Syria.
So evidently the democratic niceties didn’t count for a lot. Nor do the
legal ones, since there is no legitimate basis for attacks on Syrian
territory without authorisation from Damascus or the (nonexistent)
threat of imminent attack.
In any case, the US-led bombing campaign against Isis in Iraq and
Syria clearly isn’t working. Thousands of Isis fighters have reportedly
been killed, along with hundreds of civilians. But a year after the raids began, the terror group has actually expanded the territory it controls.
Without troops on the ground, air attacks cannot win a war. In the
case of Syria, the only forces available are the Syrian army or radical
Islamist rebel militias, from the al-Qaida-linked Nusra Front to the
Gulf regime-backed Islamist Jaish al-Fatah. So which do the western
governments have in mind? Their own sponsored rebel groups are entirely
marginal.
As we know from Iraq and Afghanistan, the alternative of western
troops would lead to a full-scale anti-occupation war. After one
disastrous western military intervention in the Arab and Muslim world
after another, it’s mind-boggling that demands for yet more bombing keep
on coming. You only have to consider the failed-state maelstrom that is
post-Nato intervention Libya – the other main transit route for
refugees into Europe – to see what it means in practice. But the
problem, hawks insist, is that there wasn’t enough intervention: Nato
“walked away” from Libya, and if only the US and its allies had invaded
Syria in 2011 or bombed in 2013, the war would have been over
by Christmas.
Reyaad Khan (left) and Ruhul Amin were killed in an RAF drone attack in Syria. Photograph: YouTube/PA
In reality, the death toll in Syria – where defences are much
stronger than they were in Iraq – would certainly have been far greater.
The same goes for any attempt to enforce no-fly zones or safe havens
now. But most bizarre is the insistence that the west hasn’t actually
intervened in Syria.
In fact, the US, Britain, France and their regional allies have
intervened continuously, funding, training and arming rebel forces –
well aware, as recent US leaked intelligence documents underline,
that they were dominated by extreme sectarian groups. The result today
is de facto partition, with the government in control of less than half
the country but the majority of the population, including large numbers
of refugees from rebel-held areas.
If Cameron had won the vote in parliament two years ago, the main
beneficiary in Syria would very probably have been Isis. Next month, he
plans to try again, hoping to trade on revulsion at the terror group’s
vicious sectarian violence. Ministers know British bombing won’t defeat
Isis or add anything of significance to the US campaign. Instead it will
be an exercise in cynical political posturing, aimed at splitting
Labour, and reclaiming the mantle of chief imperial subaltern in the
US-led war without end across the Middle East. If MPs do authorise
bombing in Syria, they will be voting to intensify the war and the
refugee crisis.
The only way to wind down the conflict is through a negotiated
settlement involving all the regional powers. Syria has long been a
proxy war, pitting the Assad regime’s Russian and Iranian backers
against the Gulf dictatorships, Turkey and the western powers that stand
behind the myriad rebel groups. Talks between the main players have
picked up in recent months, aimed at such a deal.
But the pressure is always to use the battlefield to increase
leverage at the negotiating table. Isis thrives on war and sectarian
conflict across the region. It will be marginalised and eventually
defeated when that conflict is brought to an end. That will need
pressure from the west on its Gulf clients, not a new bombing campaign.
It’s true the refugee crisis can be solved only in Syria – but it will
be by peacemaking, not more western war.
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